UPSC Mains 2019 Sociology Paper - II

Section-A

Q1 Write short answers to the following questions in about 150 words each, with a sociological perspective. 10 x 5 Marks

Q1.(a) Elaborate Srinivas’s views on religion and society among the Coorgs. 10 Marks

M.N. Srinivas studied the Coorgs, a small community in the hills of Karnataka. He wanted to see how religion shaped their daily life. The Coorgs were proud people who worked as soldiers and farmers. But over time, they began to follow the customs of higher castes to gain respect. Srinivas called this change Sanskritization. For example, many Coorg families stopped eating meat, started worshipping in Brahmin ways, and followed rules of ritual purity.

He saw that religion tied the Coorgs together. Festivals, marriages, and funeral ceremonies brought families from different clans to one place, creating a feeling of unity. But he also noticed that caste divisions entered their society. Under Brahmin influence, Coorgs began to see themselves in unequal ranks.

Later, the British government made these divisions stronger by recording people’s castes in official documents. Srinivas showed that religion among the Coorgs kept changing with time, as people tried to rise in society and adjust to new powers.

Q1.(b) Illustrate the contribution of the Tebhaga Movement to the peasants struggle in India. 10 Marks

The Tebhaga Movement took place in Bengal between 1946 and 1947. It began when poor sharecroppers, called bargadars, asked for a fair share of the harvest they produced. Normally, they had to give half their crop to the big landlords, known as jotedars. The peasants demanded that they should keep two-thirds (tebhaga) of the harvest and store it in their own huts, not in the landlords’ granaries.

The movement spread through villages as the All India Kisan Sabha organized meetings and marches. Peasants, tribal farmers, and women joined together, shouting slogans and refusing to give grain to landlords. This was one of the first times rural people rose together with such strength.

Although the government and landlords tried to stop them with force, the movement left a deep mark. It led to later land laws like the Bargadari Act (1950) and inspired other struggles such as Telangana and Naxalbari, showing peasants that united action could bring real change.

Q1.(c) Examine the changing initiatives of the land tenure system in India. 10 Marks

India’s system of land ownership and control has changed many times, from British rule to the present day. During the colonial period, the British introduced systems like Zamindari, Ryotwari, and Mahalwari. In the Zamindari system, big landlords collected taxes and often exploited peasants. In Ryotwari, farmers paid taxes directly to the government, while Mahalwari made whole villages responsible. These systems created deep inequality.

After independence, the new government tried to fix this. The Zamindari system was abolished, ending the power of landlords, though many were still paid compensation. Tenancy reforms were made to protect tenants and give them ownership, but success differed across states. Later, Land Ceiling Acts tried to limit how much land one person could own, so that extra land could go to the poor.

Today, new initiatives focus on modernization—like computerizing land records and allowing legal leasing through the Model Land Leasing Act, 2016. Still, land conflicts, unequal ownership for women, and poor implementation remain major problems.

Q1.(d) Write a note on Ghurye’s conception of caste in India. 10 Marks

G.S. Ghurye, one of the first Indian sociologists, studied caste by looking at ancient texts and traditions. He believed that to understand caste, one must see how it works both in religion and in daily life. Ghurye described six main features of the caste system. Society is divided into fixed groups; these groups are arranged from high to low; people eat and marry only within their own group; jobs are linked to caste; and these rules are supported by both social customs and religious beliefs.

He said caste started in Vedic times, when Brahmins gained power through control of rituals, knowledge, and the idea of purity. Ghurye also believed caste existed across all parts of India, even among Muslims and Christians, though in different forms.

Critics like B.R. Ambedkar said Ghurye focused too much on texts and not on real oppression. Yet his work became the base for many later studies on caste and change.

Q1.(e) Comment on the growing assertion of tribal community for autonomy in India. 10 Marks

Tribal communities in India are now speaking up more strongly for self-rule, respect, and control over their land. This rise in tribal assertion has deep roots. During British rule, forest laws and mining projects pushed many tribes off their lands. Even after independence, large dams, industries, and mining often displaced them without fair help or respect for their culture.

The Indian Constitution tried to protect them through the Fifth and Sixth Schedules, the Panchayats (Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996, and the Forest Rights Act, 2006. These gave them some power over forests and village governance.

In recent years, tribes like the Dongria Kondhs in Niyamgiri Hills (Odisha) have protested against mining companies to protect their sacred mountains. Movements for Bodoland and other autonomous regions show a similar wish for self-determination.

Still, they face challenges—like government control over development, internal divisions, and violence in Maoist areas. Their struggle today expresses a clear demand for justice, dignity, and true autonomy over their lives and lands.

Q2(a) Critically examine Dube’s contributions to the study of Indian villages. 20 Marks

S.C. Dube was one of the first Indian sociologists to study village life through detailed fieldwork. His most famous work, Indian Village (1955), was based on the village of Shamirpet in Andhra Pradesh. Through this study, he tried to show how every part of rural life—religion, caste, kinship, economy, and politics—fits together like parts of one system.

Dube followed the structural-functional approach influenced by Radcliffe-Brown, meaning he looked at how different social institutions depend on one another. For example, the way people earned their living, whom they married, or how they worshipped were all seen as connected processes that kept the village running as a whole.

He also noticed that rural religion was syncretic—that is, people often mixed local customs with wider Hindu beliefs. Lower castes, for instance, adopted some Brahminical rituals while keeping their own folk traditions. This showed how tradition could change while still keeping its identity.

Dube’s later work became policy-oriented. He advised community development programs, believing that sociological research should help in practical planning.

However, scholars later criticized Dube’s work for being too harmonious. They said it ignored conflict, inequality, and power struggles that existed in villages. His early studies also did not pay enough attention to the effects of migration, new technology, and markets.

Even with these limits, Dube’s work remains a foundation for Indian rural sociology. It inspired later researchers to see villages not just as small settlements, but as living social systems. Modern studies now build on his work by adding issues like caste conflict, gender, and economic change. Dube’s contribution endures as a bridge between early village ethnography and contemporary rural analysis.

Q2.(b) What is caste politics? Substantiate your answer with examples of how identities are defined by caste dynamics. 20 Marks

Caste politics means the way caste influences how people vote, lead, and organize in India’s democracy. Political scientist Rajni Kothari said that caste has not disappeared in modern India—it has simply moved into the political world. People now use caste identity to demand rights and share power.

One clear form of this is vote-bank politics. Parties often focus on certain caste groups to win elections.  Through this, caste groups turned into political groups that could demand better treatment and opportunities.

The Mandal Commission Report (1990) gave reservations to Other Backward Classes (OBCs). This changed Indian politics by helping new caste groups gain voice and representation. Parties like RJD and JD(U) grew out of this movement.

Today, caste identity also appears in demands for caste census—like the 2023 Bihar survey, where people wanted real data to prove inequality still exists.

Caste shapes identity in many ways beyond elections. In villages, caste still influences marriage choices, land ownership, and access to loans. In cities, caste shows up in housing colonies, job networks, and college admissions. Even protests by Jats and Marathas for reservation show how caste remains a tool for securing opportunity.

On the internet, caste has taken new life. Movements like Dalit Twitter allow young people to speak openly about discrimination and pride in their identity. As Dipankar Gupta says, caste today is less about old hierarchies and more about who people see themselves as.

Thus, caste politics in India is both empowering and divisive—it helps people find voice but also reminds us that true equality is still a work in progress.

Q2.(c) Do you think that the Indian saints have brought about social reform and awareness in Indian society? Explain. (150 words) 10 Marks

Yes. Indian saints have deeply influenced social life by spreading moral awareness and equality through religion and simple teachings. During the Bhakti Movement, saints like Kabir, Tukaram, and Ravidas spoke to ordinary people in their own languages. They rejected strict caste rules and said that true devotion came from love and honesty, not from birth or ritual. Kabir, for example, sang that God lives in every heart, not only in temples.

At the same time, Sufi saints such as Khwaja Moinuddin Chishti created spaces where Hindus and Muslims could pray together and share food. This built harmony between communities.

Later, in the 19th century, saints like Swami Dayananda Saraswati and Ramakrishna inspired modern reform movements such as the Arya Samaj, which called for purity, education, and social uplift.

While some modern self-styled “saints” misuse religion for power, genuine saints encouraged love, equality, and unity. Their teachings gave India a strong base for spiritual and social reform.

Q3(a) What is ethno-nationalism? Examine the critical factors responsible for tribal discontent in India. 20 Marks

Ethno-nationalism means a kind of nationalism built on shared ethnic identity—common ancestry, language, culture, or traditions. It grows when a group feels ignored or disrespected by the larger nation. The scholar Anthony D. Smith said such movements begin when people fear that their culture or way of life is being lost.

Among India’s tribal communities, ethno-nationalism often appears as a struggle for dignity, land, and self-rule. Tribes have long seen themselves as distinct groups with their own gods, customs, and ties to nature. But over time, outside control and development projects have taken away much of this independence.

One main cause of discontent is resource alienation. Tribal regions are rich in forests and minerals. Projects like POSCO and Vedanta in Niyamgiri displaced entire villages. As A. R. Desai pointed out, this shows how capitalist development often sacrifices the poor for profit.

Another factor is the erosion of autonomy. Laws such as the Fifth Schedule and the PESA Act (1996) promise local self-rule, yet bureaucrats and companies still dominate decisions. The Forest Rights Act (2006) tried to return land to Adivasis but is poorly applied.

There is also cultural marginalization, meaning tribal people are absorbed into mainstream society without their approval or understanding.

In politics, tribal voices remain weak. Even in reserved seats, power often lies with outsiders or local elites. In areas like Bastar and Dantewada, the Maoist conflict has also hurt innocent villagers, deepening fear and mistrust.

Movements such as Pathalgadi in Jharkhand and demands for autonomy in the Northeast show that tribals are asking to live with respect, self-rule, and control over their land and culture.

Q3.(b) Is industrial development in India a bane or a born to agrarian class structure ? Substantiate your answer with suitable examples. 20 Marks

Industrial development has changed India’s rural society in many uneven ways. For some farming families it has brought new wealth and opportunity, but for others it has caused loss and insecurity. From a Marxist view, it increased class inequality. From a Weberian view, it changed social status and occupations.

After the Green Revolution, rich farmers such as Jats in Punjab and Patels in Gujarat earned large profits. They invested their money in small factories, transport, and real-estate businesses. These families became rural capitalists—landowners who turned agricultural success into industrial wealth. For them, industrial growth was a boon.

Industrial expansion also created new jobs outside farming. Areas like Manesar (for automobiles) and Tiruppur (for textiles) attracted rural youth, especially from middle castes such as Yadavs and Kurmis, giving them a path of upward mobility.

But for the poor and landless, industrialization often became a bane. Many small farmers lost land to projects without proper compensation or jobs in return. The protests at Singur in West Bengal and Jagatsinghpur in Odisha showed how people resisted when factories took away fertile land. Those who migrated to cities often ended up in informal work—construction, domestic service, or daily labour—without security or benefits.

Industrial growth also destroyed common resources—forests, ponds, and grazing fields—that poor villagers once depended on. Class and caste combine here: lower castes and tribes suffer most when land and natural wealth disappear.

Thus, industrial development has helped a few but harmed many. To make it a true boon, India needs fair land compensation, better training, and social protection for displaced workers, so that progress uplifts the weak instead of widening the gap between classes.

Q3.(c) Give an account of Ranajit Guha’s approach in studying ‘subaltern class’.(150 words) 10 Marks

Ranajit Guha, a key figure in Subaltern Studies, reoriented Indian historiography by Ranajit Guha, a famous Indian historian, wanted to rewrite history from the point of view of the common people—peasants, workers, tribals, and others who were usually left out of official stories. He felt that both British historians and Indian nationalist writers focused only on kings, leaders, and elites, ignoring the struggles of the poor.

In his book Elementary Aspects of Peasant Insurgency in Colonial India, Guha showed that when peasants rose against landlords or the British, it was not just out of anger or ignorance. Their actions had clear reasons and meaning. For example, they rebelled when taxes were unfair or when land was taken away, and they often followed moral ideas of justice shared in songs, symbols, and village stories.

Guha called this subaltern consciousness—the independent voice of the oppressed. He also drew ideas from Antonio Gramsci, saying that subalterns, though excluded from power, still shaped history. His work deeply changed how Indian history was studied, inspiring postcolonial and Dalit scholars.

Q4(a) Define patriarchy. Does it have bearings on women’s entitlement in Indian family system ? Explain. 20 Marks

Patriarchy means a system where men hold most of the power—within families, workplaces, and society—and women are expected to obey or adjust. The sociologist Sylvia Walby called patriarchy a “structure of oppression” because it works through institutions like marriage, religion, and law, quietly shaping how men and women live.

In India, patriarchy begins early in family life. Parents often treat sons as future heads of the family and daughters as temporary members who will marry and leave. This belief affects nearly every right a woman has inside the home.

Take property and inheritance. The Hindu Succession (Amendment) Act of 2005 gives daughters equal rights in ancestral property, but in most families, women are discouraged from asking for their share. They are told that good daughters do not “break” family harmony. As a result, men usually keep control over land and money.

Marriage customs also show patriarchy. The system of dowry treats daughters as financial burdens, and the money or gifts they bring—called stridhan—are often taken over by husbands or in-laws.

Inside households, men make most major decisions—about spending, healthcare, education, and travel. Women do the majority of unpaid domestic work, caring for children and elders without recognition or pay. Even choices about childbirth or contraception are often made by male family members.

Patriarchy can also become violent. Domestic abuse, honour killings, and restrictions on women’s movement are all justified in the name of family honour.

Thus, patriarchy turns the Indian family into a space where love and care often coexist with deep inequality. Ending it requires not only fair laws but a change in mindset—one that teaches both men and women to share power, property, and respect as equals.

Q4.(b) How do you understand the ‘minority’ question ? Examine the violence and discrimination against the religious minorities in India. 20 Marks

The “minority question” asks how a democratic country can ensure justice and safety for smaller or less powerful communities. In India, this mainly concerns religious minorities—Muslims (14.2%), Christians (2.3%), and Sikhs (1.7%)—who want equal rights, respect, and representation in public life.

The Indian Constitution, through Articles 29 and 30, allows minorities to preserve their culture and run their own schools. Yet, as Ranajit Guha and Amartya Sen note, rights on paper are not enough. People must also have the real capability to use them—through education, employment, and protection from violence.

Despite legal safeguards, religious minorities often face discrimination and hostility. India has seen tragic incidents like the 1984 anti-Sikh riots, the 2002 Gujarat riots, and the 2020 Delhi violence, where minority homes and businesses were burnt while authorities looked away.

Hate crimes also occur in everyday life. Some minorities have been lynched or harassed under claims of cow slaughter, forced conversions, or “love jihad.” These attacks spread fear and deepen division.

Economic and social inequality adds to this pain. The Sachar Committee Report (2006) showed that Muslims lag behind most groups in education, housing, and jobs. In cities, many face silent exclusion—they are denied flats, loans, or interviews because of their name or religion.

Politically, minorities have less representation in assemblies and parliament, and policies like the Citizenship Amendment Act (2019) have raised new insecurities.

Thus, the minority question is really about inclusion and dignity. To answer it, India must strengthen laws, stop hate, and ensure equal opportunities for all faiths. Only when every citizen feels safe and valued will India’s democracy truly match its promise of “unity in diversity.”

Q4.(c) What do you understand by LGBTQ ? Comment on the issues concerning their marriage rights. (150 words) 10 Marks

LGBTQ stands for Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, and Queer. It refers to people whose identity or love does not fit into traditional ideas of male and female or man and woman relationships. These individuals have long faced social rejection and legal discrimination in India.

A major step forward came in 2018, when the Supreme Court of India, in the Navtej Singh Johar case, ended the old law that punished same-sex relationships. But the right to marry was still not given. This means that LGBTQ couples cannot inherit property together, adopt children, or make medical and legal decisions for each other.

In 2023, the Supreme Court said that only Parliament could decide on same-sex marriage, keeping the issue unresolved. Beyond law, LGBTQ people often face family rejection, workplace bias, and social stigma. For transgender people, life is even harder due to lack of legal recognition and safety. Legal marriage rights would give them dignity, equality, and full citizenship in society.

Section-B

Q5 Write short answers to the following questions in about 150 words each, with a sociological perspective : 10 x 5 = 50 Marks

Q5.(a) Comment on the critical issues of commercialization of higher education in India. 10 Marks

Commercialization means that higher education is being run more like a business. Many private colleges have opened, which has increased the number of seats but also brought new problems.

Because private colleges charge very high fees, poor and lower-middle-class families cannot afford them. This makes social inequality worse. Pierre Bourdieu’s idea of cultural capital explains this well — families that already have money, good schools, and English skills can send their children to the best colleges, while poor families stay behind even with reservation policies.

Some private colleges care more about profit than about teaching. They collect capitation fees and often lack good teachers and laboratories. Many courses are designed only for quick jobs and not for research or deep learning.

Although private colleges have increased enrolment and built global links, the benefits reach mainly the rich. India needs stronger public universities and clear rules to make education both fair and good in quality.

Q5.(b) Discuss the challenges in Implementing the Rural Development Programmes in India. 10 Marks

Rural development schemes such as MNREGA, PMGSY, and NRLM aim to reduce poverty and improve life in villages. But they face many difficulties once they reach the ground.

Work often slows down because of poor administration, corruption, and lack of coordination between offices. Money may be delayed or misused. Village elites, like landlords and big farmers, take most of the benefits while landless labourers and Dalits get very little.

People sometimes do not know about the schemes meant for them, and there is weak checking and monitoring. For example, under MNREGA, many workers wait months for their wages.

Roads and houses built under schemes may not suit local needs, so they remain unused. Migration to cities and climate shocks make planning harder. Yet, some stories give hope — for instance, women’s self-help groups in Andhra Pradesh have helped members earn and save money together. Better planning and transparency can make these programmes truly helpful.

Effective rural development requires participatory planning, transparency, and convergence of schemes to ensure inclusive growth.

Q5.(c) Elaborate urbanism as a way of life in India. 10 Marks

Sociologist Louis Wirth said that city life creates its own special way of living. In India, growing cities have changed how people think and relate to one another.

In villages, people know everyone and live close to family. In cities, life is faster and more private. As Georg Simmel observed, city people often become individualistic and less tied to family traditions. Still, Indian cities keep some sense of community. In Mumbai’s chawls, neighbours share kitchens and festivals. In Delhi’s urban villages, families still help each other in weddings and crises.

Urban life brings freedom, jobs, and exposure to new ideas. Many women now work outside the home, and inter-caste marriages are more common. Yet, cities also show sharp contrasts — tall apartments beside large slums.

Digital life mixes with real life, connecting people but also adding stress. Thus, Indian urbanism blends modern habits with deep-rooted traditions.

Q5.(d) Comment on the changing democratic profile of India. 10 Marks

India’s democracy has grown and changed a lot since independence. In the early years, it was mostly led by higher caste, educated and rich people. Slowly, more groups from different castes, classes, and regions entered politics.

Caste became a tool for empowerment. Rajni Kothari explained how caste adjusted to democracy — helping OBCs and Dalits gain power through elections and reservations. Women too have gained space through panchayat quotas, though they are still few in Parliament and state assemblies.

Economic reforms created an active middle class that discusses policies on television and social media. Young people use digital platforms to protest and organize, as seen in the Anna Hazare movement and farmers’ protests.

However, India also faces rising communal tension and reduced trust in institutions. Yet, high voter turnout and strong courts keep democracy alive. India’s democracy remains energetic but needs constant care to stay inclusive and fair.

Q5.(e) Elucidate the concerns of growing urban displacement dynamics in India. 10 Marks

Urban displacement happens when people lose their homes because of city projects or natural hazards. In India, this mostly affects poor families living in slums or informal houses.

When metros, highways, or Smart City projects are built, people are often removed without proper help. Jan Breman’s studies show how such workers are pushed to far-off suburbs. They spend hours travelling to work and lose community ties.

In Mumbai, slum redevelopment moved thousands to distant buildings with poor services. In Delhi’s Yamuna floodplain, many families were evicted in the name of environment protection.

Women and children suffer the most, losing safety and schools. The Olga Tellis case recognized that the right to live includes the right to livelihood, but follow-up has been weak.

With climate change now causing floods and sea-level rise, new forms of displacement are emerging. India needs humane, participatory city planning that protects both people and progress.

Q6(a) Examine the importance of Development Planning in India Mixed Economy, and analyze its problems and prospects. 20 Marks

After independence, India chose a mixed economy—a system where both the government and private businesses would play roles in building the country. The idea came from Pandit Nehru’s belief that the state must guide development to ensure equality and social justice, while private enterprise could drive efficiency and innovation.

The government created Five-Year Plans to decide priorities for each period. In the early plans, the focus was on building big industries, dams, and transport. The state set up factories in steel, coal, and energy. Villages were encouraged to grow through land reforms and community programs. These steps aimed to reduce poverty and help farmers and workers. Sociologist A. R. Desai, however, pointed out that planning often benefited the rich more than the poor. Big industries and landlords gained more power, while rural workers saw slower progress.

Over time, serious problems appeared. Many plans failed because of delays, corruption, and poor coordination. Government projects often stayed unfinished. The benefits were uneven—states like Maharashtra and Gujarat grew quickly, but Bihar and Odisha stayed behind.

After 1991, India reduced government control and opened the market. This created jobs and investment but also widened the gap between rich and poor.

Today, new forms of planning—through NITI Aayog—focus on technology, sustainability, and teamwork between the Centre and the states. Programs like Digital India and Atmanirbhar Bharat show a move toward self-reliance.

The future of planning lies in listening to local voices and involving communities. When planning becomes participatory and transparent, it can bring real growth that is both fair and lasting.

Q6.(b) Highlight the main features of the ‘Inter-linking of Rivers’ project in India. What could be its probable advantages to Indian agriculture? 20 Marks

India’s Inter-Linking of Rivers (ILR) project is one of the largest water management ideas ever proposed. It aims to connect 37 rivers through 30 major canals, so that extra water from flood-prone rivers like the Ganga and Godavari can be sent to dry regions such as Bundelkhand and western Rajasthan. The plan has two main parts: the Himalayan system, covering northern rivers, and the Peninsular system, linking southern ones.

Each link involves large dams, reservoirs, and canal networks. The Ken–Betwa link, the first project to start, shows how this idea works—it will carry water from the Ken River to the Betwa River, helping the drought-hit Bundelkhand region in Madhya Pradesh and Uttar Pradesh.

If successful, ILR can bring huge relief to farmers. It can provide regular irrigation to water-scarce areas, make crops less dependent on uncertain monsoons, and reduce crop failure. Farmers can grow more than one crop each year and try new varieties. Better irrigation could also stop distress migration and lower farmer suicides.

But there are also real concerns. Building big dams can submerge villages and forests. Tribes living near rivers may lose their land and livelihoods. Vandana Shiva, an environmentalist, has warned that such projects may disturb delicate ecosystems and cause deforestation. Moreover, disputes between states over water sharing and the very high costs make the plan complex.

Experts believe the ILR should be combined with micro-irrigation, rainwater harvesting, and local watershed projects to avoid waste. If done carefully—with proper rehabilitation, ecological checks, and local participation—it can change Indian agriculture. But without this care, it can create new problems while solving old ones.

Q6.(c) Has reduction of green cover affected ecological degradation leading to global warming? Elaborate your answer with illustration. (150 words) 10 Marks

When trees and forests are cut, the earth loses its natural protectors. Forests store carbon, cool the air, and keep rain patterns stable. Their loss directly adds to global warming.

In India, forests are being cleared for roads, mines, and housing. The Aarey forest case in Mumbai showed how transport projects can destroy green lungs of a city. In the North-East, drilling and road work have disturbed wildlife and affected tribal people who depend on forests.

According to the IPCC, around 10 percent of world carbon emissions come from deforestation. The result is clearer now — heavier floods in Kerala, longer heatwaves in North India, and shrinking habitats for animals.

The government has started efforts like the Green India Mission, CAMPA funds, and compensatory tree planting. But these steps work only when local people join and the land is protected afterward.

Saving green cover is essential for our planet’s balance.

Q7(a) Do you think that ‘demonetization’ has accelerated the economic growth in India? How do you understand the in formalization of labour, underemployment and gender discrimination in this context? 20 Marks

In November 2016, the Government of India suddenly announced that ₹500 and ₹1000 notes would no longer be valid. This decision, called demonetization, was meant to stop black money, fake currency, and push people toward digital payments. It was one of the most dramatic policy steps in recent history, affecting almost everyone in the country.

In the first few weeks, long queues formed outside banks. Small shops, vegetable vendors, and daily wage workers struggled to buy and sell because most of their earnings were in cash. India’s economy depends heavily on cash, so this sudden withdrawal caused deep disruption. Factories reduced work, and many laborers lost jobs. Some had to walk back to their villages because they had no money for rent or food.

The government hoped that this move would increase transparency and encourage electronic payments. Digital transactions did rise for some time, but the slowdown in business was severe. GDP growth fell from around 8 percent to nearly 6 percent in 2017.  

The informal sector, which employs over 80 percent of India’s labor force, suffered the most. Construction, small manufacturing, and agriculture—all dependent on cash—faced massive layoffs. Women faced unique challenges: many kept small savings at home in cash, which suddenly became worthless. This reduced their control over money. Self-help groups too struggled to repay loans, affecting thousands of rural women.

While demonetization revealed how fragile the cash economy was, it did not accelerate growth. It exposed the need for financial inclusion, better banking access in villages, and gender-sensitive reforms that protect poor and informal workers from such shocks.

Q7.(b) Discuss the implications of ‘Swachha Bharat Abhiyaan’. Do you think that civil society has a role to play here ? Substantiate your answer with an example. 20 Marks

The Swachh Bharat Abhiyaan (SBA), launched in 2014, aimed to make India clean—both in cities and villages. It focused on building toilets, ending open defecation, and improving waste management. The idea was simple but powerful: a clean country means healthier people and a more dignified life, especially for women.

The results were impressive on paper. Government data shows that rural toilet coverage grew from about 39 percent in 2014 to nearly 100 percent by 2019. Millions of households got toilets, and open defecation reduced. This also improved public health. In many villages, fewer children fell ill from diarrheal diseases. For women, having toilets at home meant privacy and safety—they no longer had to go to fields late at night.

But new challenges soon appeared. In some areas, toilets were built but remained unused because people were not taught why cleanliness matters. Sociologists point out that sanitation is also linked to caste. Lower-caste communities still do most cleaning work, including manual scavenging, despite legal bans. Many cities continue to struggle with garbage piles, poor waste segregation, and overflowing landfills.

Here, civil society plays a key role. Groups such as Sulabh International built public toilets and promoted low-cost sanitation technology. Citizens’ movements like “The Ugly Indian” in Bengaluru encouraged volunteers to clean streets and repaint dirty walls. These local efforts showed that when people take responsibility, government programs become stronger.

The campaign also used media and celebrities to spread the message of cleanliness. However, participation is still higher among urban residents than in poorer rural areas.

The real success of SBA depends on changing attitudes, not just building toilets. Ending manual scavenging, training waste workers, and involving citizens at every step can make cleanliness a permanent habit, not a short-term campaign.

Q7.(c)Do you agree that social movements are caused by opportunity structures that are generated by media? Why? (150 words) 10 Marks

Media gives voice and visibility to social movements. It helps people share problems, plan actions, and draw public attention. Without it, many local issues would stay unseen.

Earlier, newspapers and radio supported freedom movements by spreading news and ideas. Today, social media plays that role. The 2011 Anna Hazare anti-corruption campaign and 2020–21 farmers’ protests used online platforms to reach millions.

Hashtags such as #MeToo and Dalit Lives Matter helped individuals speak without fear and find support. Yet, media can also twist facts. During the Shaheen Bagh protests, different channels showed sharply opposite stories, changing how people judged the event.

So while inequality, leadership, and politics are the real roots of movements, media acts as a spark that spreads awareness and brings people together. Used wisely, it can turn small voices into a national call for change.

Q8(a) Why has ‘Active aging’ become a global goal? Do you agree that the role of elderly care-giving is disproportionately gendered in developing countries? Why? 20 Marks

Across the world, people are living longer. By 2050, more than two billion people will be over sixty years old. This means that every country must think seriously about how older people can live healthy, active, and respected lives. The World Health Organization (WHO) calls this idea “active aging” — helping the elderly remain healthy, independent, and socially connected, rather than being seen only as dependents.

In India, the number of elderly people is growing very fast. Programs like the National Policy on Senior Citizens (2011) and the National Social Assistance Programme try to help by offering pensions, healthcare, and community support. These schemes encourage activities that keep seniors physically fit, mentally active, and socially included. For example, senior clubs in cities like Pune and Chennai organize health camps, laughter therapy, and yoga sessions. But in many villages, old people still face poor healthcare and little awareness about preventive care.

A major issue in developing countries is that elderly care is mostly done by women. In many families, daughters-in-law or daughters take care of the old, often without pay or help. They cook, bathe, feed, and look after medicines while also doing their regular household work. This unpaid care takes a physical and emotional toll. Studies show that women in India spend nearly twice as much time on unpaid care as men. Men rarely take up such duties, as traditional beliefs label caregiving as a woman’s role.

Urban migration has weakened joint families. Many elderly couples now live alone, and women carry most of the burden of care. Institutional old-age homes are few and often expensive.

If societies want active aging to succeed, they must also support the caregivers. Training programs, rest allowances, and community care centers can share their burden. Only when both the elderly and their caregivers are supported can aging become a truly dignified stage of life.

Q8.(b) What is POSH Act? “Identification of tormentor by women at workplace does not come easily even today”. Examine the statement with substantive examples from India. 20 Marks

The Prevention of Sexual Harassment (POSH) Act, 2013 was created to make workplaces safe for women. It came after the Vishaka Guidelines (1997) from the Supreme Court, which first defined sexual harassment as a violation of women’s rights. The Act requires all organizations to set up Internal Complaints Committees (ICCs) and to treat any form of unwanted behavior — words, gestures, messages, or physical contact — as serious misconduct.

On paper, the law is strong. But in real workplaces, identifying and reporting a harasser is still very hard. Many offices have clear hierarchies where men hold senior positions. When a woman is harassed by a superior, she fears that complaining might cost her job or damage her reputation. Gossip, disbelief, and victim-blaming make things worse.

A turning point came with the #MeToo movement in 2018. Women in media, film, and politics openly shared their experiences of harassment, naming powerful men. It encouraged others to speak up, but many also faced online abuse and professional backlash. In formal sectors like IT and banking, ICCs often include senior managers who try to protect the company’s image rather than support the survivor. Some women have had to withdraw complaints under pressure.

In the informal sector, the situation is even harder. Domestic workers, factory laborers, and agricultural workers — many from Dalit or tribal communities — often do not even know that the POSH Act exists. They have no committees to turn to and little social protection.

While the POSH Act provides a solid legal framework, its real strength lies in how it is used. Offices must hold regular gender-sensitivity training, keep committees independent, and ensure confidentiality. Above all, society must create a culture where women’s voices are trusted. True safety at work will come only when every woman can speak without fear.

Q8.(c) What is ‘social security’? Examine recent security measures adopted by the Government in India. (150 words) 10 Marks

Social security means giving people help when they face life problems such as job loss, illness, or old age. It makes sure that even in hard times, families can live with dignity.

In India, many programmes now try to give this protection. The Jan Dhan Yojana opened bank accounts for millions of poor families. Ayushman Bharat offers free hospital treatment up to ₹5 lakh a year. PM-Kisan sends cash directly to small farmers. MGNREGA guarantees at least 100 days of paid work in villages.

For informal workers, the Shram Yogi Maandhan and Atal Pension Yojana provide old-age income. During COVID-19, the PM Garib Kalyan Yojana gave free food grains and cash support.

Still, many workers remain outside these safety nets, and funds are often too small. The Code on Social Security (2020) aims to bring all laws together and widen coverage.

India’s next step is to ensure that every citizen has real, reliable protection.