UPSC Mains 2017 Sociology Paper - II

Section-A

Q1. Write short answers with a sociological perspective on the following, in about 150 words each: (10×5=50 Marks) 

Q1.(a) Write a critique of the structural and functional perspective used by M.N. Srinivas in the understanding of Indian society. (10 Marks) 

M.N. Srinivas studied Indian society by looking at how each part of it—the village, the caste, and the family—worked together to keep the whole system stable. He called this the structural-functional approach. He created ideas like Sanskritization, where lower castes copy the customs of higher castes to move upward, and dominant caste, meaning the local group that holds power in a village.

This view showed India as a society that mostly changes slowly and peacefully. But critics said it ignored conflict and power. For example, many people who try Sanskritization still face untouchability and exclusion. Marxists felt Srinivas ignored economic exploitation, and feminists pointed out that he hardly spoke about women’s inequality. Later, studies on Dalit movements  showed that real change often comes from protest and struggle, not harmony.

So, Srinivas explained order well, but not inequality or resistance.

Q1.(b) Which is more significant, the principle of ‘hierarchy’ or the principle of difference, in inter-caste relations in the present day? (10 Marks) 

In old India, caste worked through hierarchy. Groups were placed higher or lower based on ritual purity and pollution, as Louis Dumont described. But in today’s India, caste often works through difference—each group now asserts its own identity instead of accepting another caste group as a higher caste.

You can see this in politics. Yadavs in Uttar Pradesh, Marathas in Maharashtra, and Patidars in Gujarat form caste unions to demand power and jobs, not to imitate Brahmins. Dalit movements inspired by Ambedkar reject hierarchy altogether. They ask for dignity and equality, not just acceptance.

Still, traces of hierarchy remain. For instance, sanitation work in cities is mostly done by Dalits, and housing discrimination quietly continues.

Thus, while old habits survive, today’s caste relations are mainly shaped by assertion, identity, and representation—the rule of difference rather than rank.

Q1.(c) What are the distinct features of Islam as practised in India, and how have they changed over time? (10 Marks) 

Islam in India took a unique shape because it mixed deeply with local culture. The Sufi saints taught love and tolerance. They encouraged people of all faiths to meet at dargahs, and the annual Urs celebrations became moments of shared devotion.

With time, social layers appeared among Muslims too. Studies by Imtiaz Ahmad showed a divide between Ashrafs (families claiming noble Arab or Persian roots) and Ajlafs (descendants of local converts). Everyday customs also blended—people wrote Urdu poetry, used Indian music, and followed local marriage rituals.

After independence, new forces arrived. Reformist movements like the Deobandi school wanted to remove local influences and return to pure teachings. The Indian Constitution protected Muslim personal law, while laws such as the ban on triple talaq showed government involvement.

Today, Islam in India is diverse—urban Muslims explore modern ideas, and Pasmanda Muslims demand equality within the community.

Q1.(d) How have the struggles against untouchability changed their forms and perspective from Gandhian to Ambedkarite positions? (10 Marks) 

Gandhi and Ambedkar both wanted to end untouchability, but they thought about it very differently. Gandhi called it a moral sin inside Hinduism. He tried to reform society through love and duty. He urged upper-castes to treat Harijans as equals, opened temples to them, and asked for trusteeship—the idea that the privileged should care for the poor. Yet he kept the varna system, saying it was a natural division of work.

Ambedkar, however, believed untouchability came from the caste system itself, not just from bad behavior. In Annihilation of Caste (1936), he attacked religious texts that justified inequality. He sought legal rights, reservations, and finally conversion to Buddhism for dignity.

After independence, Ambedkarite movements like the Dalit Panthers replaced Gandhian reform. Events such as the Una flogging in 2016 show this ongoing fight for justice. The struggle moved from moral reform to social revolution.

Q1.(e) Write a short note on changing means of production and increased rural poverty. (10 Marks)

In earlier times, most Indian villages survived on subsistence farming—families grew food mainly for their own use. With the Green Revolution, richer farmers got access to new seeds, fertilizers, and irrigation. Yields increased, but the benefits went mostly to large landowners who could afford these tools. Smaller farmers and landless laborers were left out. When tractors and harvesters arrived, many workers lost jobs and became partly unemployed.

Later, with economic liberalization, farming began to depend more on markets and companies. In Vidarbha, for instance, cotton farmers borrowed heavily to buy seeds and fertilizers. When prices crashed, many fell into debt and despair. Migration to cities gave them daily-wage work, but life there stayed insecure.

Schemes like MNREGA offered some help, yet land fragmentation, climate stress, and low public investment continue to hurt villagers. Technology like e-NAM helps only those with internet access. Thus, modernization improved farming for some but deepened poverty and inequality for many others.

Q2. (a) The main objective of socio-religious movements during the colonial rule in India was to reform and synthesize Hinduism. Discuss any two such important movements. (20 Marks) 

When the British ruled India, many reformers felt that Hindu society had grown weighed down by harmful customs and superstitions. They wanted to clean these practices while keeping the spirit of Hindu philosophy alive. Two important movements that worked toward this were the Brahmo Samaj and the Arya Samaj.

The Brahmo Samaj was started by Raja Ram Mohan Roy in 1828. He believed in one God and rejected idol worship, caste discrimination, and rigid rituals. Roy fought strongly against the cruel custom of sati, where widows were made to burn on their husband’s funeral pyres. His efforts helped pass the abolition of sati law in 1829. He also encouraged education for girls and spoke out against child marriage. Roy drew inspiration from the Upanishads, which teach the oneness of all beings, and mixed it with Western ideas of reason and human rights.

The Arya Samaj, founded by Swami Dayanand Saraswati in 1875, urged Hindus to return to what he saw as the pure teachings of the Vedas. He rejected idol worship and worked to end caste inequality. The Arya Samaj supported widow remarriage, women’s education, and set up gurukuls that combined traditional and modern learning. Through its Shuddhi movement, it encouraged those who had converted to other religions to come back to Hinduism.

The Brahmo Samaj leaned more toward reform and rational thinking, while the Arya Samaj combined reform with revival of ancient faith. Both helped Hinduism renew itself by blending spiritual depth with modern social ideals. Their work laid the foundation for later movements on education, women’s rights, and religious reform in India.

Q2.(b) Discuss Yogendra Singh’s thesis on Modernization of Indian Tradition. And evaluate its applicability in the present-day context. (20 Marks) 

Yogendra Singh, in his book Modernization of Indian Tradition (1973), explained that modernization in India does not mean throwing away tradition. Instead, it means reshaping it so that old systems can work with modern values.

He said Indian society has three layers of tradition. The Great Tradition refers to the classical Sanskritic culture of the educated elite. The Little Tradition includes the daily customs and festivals of ordinary people in villages. The Western Tradition came with colonial rule, bringing modern education, law, and technology. Modernization, Singh argued, happens when these three layers adjust to each other.

He described three kinds of changes. First, structural differentiation—old mixed roles divide into specialized institutions such as schools, banks, and courts. Second, cultural secularization—religion stops guiding every part of life, and people rely more on practical thinking. Third, institutional modernization—new systems appear in areas like education, politics, and the economy.

For example, the joint family has changed but not disappeared. In cities, nuclear families live separately, yet ties remain strong through shared rituals and financial support. Similarly, caste has shifted from a strict hierarchy to a political identity, as seen in Mandal politics.

In today’s world, Singh’s idea still fits well. Online matrimonial sites often maintain caste preferences even as dating apps allow freer choice. But Singh may have underplayed the role of conflict. Modernization can also challenge tradition, as seen in Dalit protests or feminist movements. Globalization adds another twist, mixing global consumer culture with rising cultural pride.

Thus, Singh’s theory helps us understand India’s special way of becoming modern—by blending the new with the old rather than replacing it.

Q2.(c) What are the changes in the cultural and structural aspects of the caste system since independence? (10 Marks)

After independence, India’s Constitution made caste discrimination illegal through Article 17 and created reservations for Dalits and OBCs. These steps opened education and government jobs to many who were earlier excluded. In cities, people now work in offices, shops, and IT companies instead of traditional caste jobs. The rise of parties such as the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) gave these groups new political voice.

Culturally, changes appeared in daily life. Eating together is more accepted, and inter-caste marriages are growing, supported by official schemes. Still, violent honor killings in villages show that some regions remain rigid. Earlier, lower castes tried to climb upward through Sanskritization—copying upper-caste customs. Today, many prefer assertion and dignity, as seen in Dalit literature and protests like the Bhima Koregaon protests.

Even so, caste bias quietly continues in housing, jobs, and marriages. Laws weakened its old form, but caste survives in new, hidden ways.

Q3. (a) Indebtedness is one of the serious issues leading to farmers' suicides. Discuss reasons and suggest solutions. (20 Marks) 

The problem of farmer suicides is one of India’s deepest social tragedies. According to NCRB 2022, more than 11,000 farmers died by suicide that year, most of them trapped in debt. The crisis is strongest in states like Maharashtra, Telangana, and Punjab, where small farmers depend heavily on borrowed money.

The causes of indebtedness are many and connected. Farmers buy costly seeds, fertilizers, and pesticides every season. But the market prices of crops often crash, leaving them with losses. Banks often avoid lending to small farmers who lack collateral, so they turn to private moneylenders who charge extremely high interest. A single drought or pest attack can wipe out a family’s income. Without insurance or a steady Minimum Support Price (MSP), they fall deeper into debt. Social expectations—like paying dowries or school fees—add even more pressure.

This situation creates a cycle of fear and hopelessness. A farmer in Vidarbha, Maharashtra, for instance, may borrow for cotton seeds but earn less than his loan amount after harvest. Unable to repay, he borrows again and again until despair takes over.

Solutions must go beyond temporary relief. Loan waivers can help for a short time but don’t fix the roots of the problem. Expanding institutional credit, giving fair MSP payments, and encouraging diversified crops can stabilize income. Programs like Telangana’s Rythu Bandhu provide direct financial aid for seeds and fertilizers, while Maharashtra’s Jalyukt Shivar improves irrigation and water storage.

Equally important is mental health support—helping farmers speak about distress before it turns to despair. Long-term change means making farming secure and respected, where a farmer can earn with dignity and no longer depend on endless loans.

Q3. (b) Clarify the distinction between “household” and “family” and evaluate whether joint families have completely disintegrated. (20 Marks) 

In sociology, the term household means a group of people who live under one roof and share a kitchen. These people may or may not be related. For example, four students sharing a rented flat or a paying-guest setup are households but not necessarily families. A family, however, is a social group connected by blood, marriage, or adoption. Families are not just about living together—they involve emotional bonds, care, inheritance, and shared responsibilities.

In India, the joint family has been a long-standing form of living. It includes parents, their sons and daughters-in-law, grandchildren, and sometimes even uncles and cousins. I.P. Desai described the joint family as one that shares residence, property, and religious rituals. After independence, changes like urban migration, factory employment, and modern education encouraged smaller nuclear families in cities such as Mumbai, Delhi, and Bengaluru.

Still, sociologist A.M. Shah observed that the joint family has not vanished but adjusted. In rural areas, extended families still live together to manage farms and land. In cities, relatives may live apart yet remain closely linked—sending money, celebrating festivals, or caring for children and elders. For example, many IT professionals in Bengaluru live separately but rely on parents for financial advice and child-rearing help.

Such families are called functional joint families. The physical roof may be divided, but the emotional and economic roof remains shared. This shows that Indian family life is flexible—it changes form without losing its sense of togetherness.

Q3. (c) Compare the North Indian kinship system with the South Indian kinship system. (10 Marks)

Kinship in North and South India follows different customs. In the North, families trace descent strictly through fathers and sons. A woman, once married, usually moves to her husband’s village and rarely visits her parents. Marriage inside the same gotra or even the same village is forbidden; for example, Jats in Haryana follow this rule.

In the South, though descent is also patrilineal, ties with maternal relatives are much warmer. People often marry within extended families. A common pattern is a man marrying his mother’s brother’s daughter, especially in Tamil Nadu. Such marriages keep family property and affection within known circles.

The North values lineage purity and separation, while the South values closeness and alliance. In cities today, education and work mix people from different backgrounds, and love or inter-caste marriages are rising. Still, in many villages, traditional marriage rules remain strong.

Q4. (a) Explain the concepts of ‘dominant caste’ and ‘vote bank’ giving examples from specific regions. (20 Marks) 

Sociologist M.N. Srinivas introduced the idea of the dominant caste to explain why certain caste groups hold strong power in a region, even if they are not the highest in ritual rank. A caste becomes dominant when it has numerical strength, control over land, better education, and political access. Such groups often decide village customs, own fertile fields, and influence local elections.

For example, in Karnataka, the Vokkaligas and Lingayats have long controlled farming and politics. In Haryana, the Jats dominate the panchayats and land ownership. Similarly, Reddys and Kammas in Andhra Pradesh remain key political and economic actors.

The idea of a vote bank connects directly to this. A vote bank is a group of voters from one caste or community who consistently support a political party in return for representation or benefits. Political parties often appeal to such loyalties. For instance, Yadavs in Uttar Pradesh are known supporters of the Samajwadi Party, while Patidars in Gujarat have mostly backed the BJP but have also formed independent movements like the Patidar agitation for reservations.

Sometimes, dominance and vote bank politics combine. The Marathas in Maharashtra use both land ownership and electoral unity to negotiate with governments. Conversely, Dalit vote banks inspired by Ambedkar and the Bahujan Samaj Party challenge upper-caste control.

These examples show that caste identity still shapes India’s political power and democracy—not by disappearing, but by finding new, organized, and electoral forms.

Q4. (b) What is the nature of religious change among tribal communities? Illustrate with two examples from colonial and post-independence times. (20 Marks) 

Religion among India’s tribal groups has changed continually through contact with colonial rule, Christian missions, Hindu reformers, and modern politics. These changes have mixed old beliefs with new faiths or created entirely new movements.

During the colonial period, Christian missionaries brought schools and hospitals to tribal areas. Among the Nagas of the Northeast, many converted to Christianity because it offered education and community welfare. Over time, they built their own churches and choirs that included traditional Naga music and festivals, forming a faith that blended Christianity with local culture. This shared religion later helped the Nagas build a sense of collective identity and nationalism.

Another important colonial example is the Birsa Munda movement in the 1890s in today’s Jharkhand. Birsa Munda, a tribal leader, mixed traditional Munda beliefs with Christian ideas and called for freedom from both the British and local zamindars. His movement used religion as a way to fight exploitation and reclaim dignity.

After independence, tribal religion kept evolving. Some groups began revival movements to protect their own faiths. The Sarhul festival among the Oraons, celebrating the sal tree and forest spirits, grew stronger, while campaigns for Sarna Dharma in Jharkhand sought official recognition for indigenous worship. At the same time, Hindutva organizations launched Ghar Wapsi drives to bring tribes into the Hindu fold, and Pentecostal Christianity spread quickly in the Northeast through local preachers and radio outreach.

These examples show that tribal religious life is dynamic and creative—it changes by adapting, resisting, or blending outside influences, always seeking a sense of cultural pride and belonging.

Q4. (c) Compare the pressing problems of a Dalit poor family living in an urban slum with a similar type of family living in a rural setting. (10 Marks)

A Dalit family in a city slum often lives in a tiny rented room with leaking roofs and open drains nearby. In places like Dharavi (Mumbai), garbage piles and poor sanitation cause frequent illness. Parents usually work as sweepers, garbage collectors, or domestic helpers, with no stable income or health cover. Schools exist nearby, yet many children drop out early to earn money. Discrimination is quieter but seen in how housing colonies informally exclude Dalits.

In villages, life depends on landlords and daily farm labor. Most Dalit families own little or no land. They are sometimes barred from temples or wells. In many parts, when Dalits protest or join politics, social boycotts can follow.

Thus, city poverty comes from crowded spaces and insecure work, while village poverty comes from caste control and landlessness. Both reflect inequality, though its shape differs.

Section-B

Q5. Write short answers with a sociological perspective on the following, in about 150 words each: (10×5=50 Marks) 

Q5. (a) What are the reasons for the escalation of violence against women in the public domain? (10 Marks) 

Violence against women in public spaces has grown because of old attitudes and new social changes happening side by side. Many people still hold the belief that women should stay under control or avoid being visible in public. When women begin to study, work, or move freely, some men feel their authority is being challenged. This leads to anger and acts of violence.

In cities, crowded and anonymous spaces make it easier for offenders to attack without being noticed. The rise of the internet has also created new dangers such as online stalking, abuse, and revenge pornography. The Bulli Bai case, where photos of Muslim women were misused online, shows how this violence has moved into digital spaces. Women working late or in informal jobs face danger because of poor lighting, unsafe transport, and weak policing. The Nirbhaya case in 2012 exposed how law enforcement often fails to protect women. To stop this, we need stricter policing, fairer legal systems, and social change that rejects patriarchal thinking.

Q5. (b) Write a note on Education and equality in India. (10 Marks) 

Education can open doors for everyone, but in India, not all children get the same chance. The Constitution gives every child the Right to Education, and policies like the National Education Policy (2020) try to make schooling universal. Still, many barriers remain. Children from Dalit, Adivasi, and poor families often leave school early because of poverty, long distances, or bias from teachers and classmates.

Reports like ASER 2023 show that even after years in school, many rural children cannot read a simple paragraph or solve basic sums. Government schools in remote places—like tribal villages in Odisha—often have no teachers or computers, while private schools in cities have every facility. The difference creates a wide gap. Programs such as mid-day meals and girls’ hostels have helped, but online classes during COVID-19 left many rural students behind. 

As Pierre Bourdieu explained, rich families pass on confidence and knowledge, while poor families struggle. Real equality needs good schools, fair resources, and respect for every child’s background.

Q5. (c) Give an account of the problems relating to the “creamy layer”. (10 Marks) 

The term “creamy layer” means the elite people within the Other Backward Classes (OBCs) who are not allowed to claim reservation benefits. This rule was made after the Indra Sawhney judgment in 1992 to make sure help reaches those who are truly poor and socially backward. But the system has several problems.

The income limit used to decide who belongs to the creamy layer often becomes outdated. Some families just above the limit still face social discrimination, yet they lose access to reservation. On the other hand, some people misuse fake income certificates to get benefits. The rule mostly looks at income but ignores other factors like education level or social power. 

In certain states, strong OBC groups (dominant castes) have gained more, while smaller backward groups still lag behind. Many states have demanded to raise the income limit. The debate continues because fairness and inclusion are both at stake.

Q5. (d) Do you agree that the issue of child labour raises questions about and beyond the informal sector? Give reasons. (10 Marks) 

Child labour is often seen in small factories or workshops, but the problem runs much deeper. Many children work in the fireworks units of Sivakasi or in the carpet-weaving centres of Uttar Pradesh. Their families are usually poor, landless, and trapped in debt. To survive, they send children to work. Some children work in fields or as domestic helpers, while others are hired secretly by big companies through middlemen. This shows that child labour is not only about informal jobs—it reflects deep poverty and social inequality.

Inequality in India keeps poor families stuck in the same low position for generations. During COVID-19, when schools closed, many children began working again, sometimes helping in delivery or street vending. The Child Labour (Prohibition and Regulation) Amendment Act, 2016 bans dangerous work for children, but weak checks allow it to continue. Ending it needs stronger laws, better schooling, and steady family incomes.

Q5. (e) What are the emerging concerns on women’s reproductive health? (10 Marks)

Women’s reproductive health in India has improved in some areas but faces new and serious challenges. The number of women dying during childbirth has reduced to 97 per lakh births (SRS 2020). Yet, in many rural and tribal areas, hospitals are far away, and ambulances or trained nurses are missing. Many women still give birth at home without medical help.

Another growing concern is infertility, caused by stress, pollution, and late pregnancies. This has increased the use of assisted reproductive technologies like IVF. However, some private fertility clinics exploit couples for money. The Surrogacy (Regulation) Act, 2021 was passed to stop such misuse. 

Menstrual health also needs attention. In many villages, girls miss school during their periods because they lack sanitary products or are made to feel ashamed. Many women cannot decide when to have children because of family or social pressure. Improving reproductive health means better healthcare access, open discussion, and real control for women over their own bodies.

Q6. (a) Discuss some of the striking issues of development-induced imbalances that need urgent attention. (20 Marks) 

India’s development journey has improved roads, dams, and industries, but it has also created many serious imbalances. When big projects are built, the benefits often reach some groups while others are left behind. The Sardar Sarovar Dam on the Narmada River is one clear example. Sociologist Walter Fernandes showed that most people displaced by it were tribal families and small farmers. They lost their land and homes but were not properly resettled. Many later ended up as daily-wage workers in nearby towns, poorer than before.

Regional imbalance is another deep problem. States like Gujarat, Maharashtra, and Tamil Nadu have grown fast because industries and investments gather there. But states in the Northeast, Odisha, or Bihar have not developed as much. This pushes thousands to migrate to large cities like Delhi and Mumbai, where they often live in crowded slums without proper toilets, drinking water, or secure jobs.

Environmental damage has also grown sharply. In mining areas of Odisha and Jharkhand, forests are cleared, and rivers get polluted. Tribal people who depend on these forests lose both food and income. Cities too face pollution, traffic, and shrinking green spaces.

Cultural loss follows physical displacement. When traditional villages are broken, local languages, songs, and community rules fade away. Women usually bear the heaviest burden—they lose income from land and must care for families in new, uncertain settings.

To correct these imbalances, development must be both fair and sustainable. Projects should not begin without full rehabilitation plans, local consent, and ecological care. Growth must mean better lives for people, not only bigger factories or higher GDP numbers.

Q6. (b) Examine the impact of heritage tourism on urban socio-spatial patterns in India. (20 Marks) 

Heritage tourism focuses on old palaces, temples, festivals, and crafts. In India, cities like Jaipur, Varanasi, and Udaipur attract large numbers of visitors who want to experience this culture. Tourism brings money and improvements, but it also changes how cities grow and who gets to live in them.

When city authorities renovate heritage areas, they often fix roads, put up decorative lights, and allow cafés or boutique hotels to open in old houses. This raises land prices. Poor families who once lived in the centre can no longer afford the rent and are pushed to the outskirts. This process, called gentrification, changes both the look and soul of the city.

Urban thinker David Harvey’s idea of the “right to the city” helps explain this. He says everyone—not just tourists or the rich—should have a fair claim to live and thrive in urban spaces. In India, however, heritage zones sometimes serve visitors more than residents. Jobs appear in hotels, shops, and handicraft markets, but these are usually temporary and low paid. Craftspeople may also alter their work to please tourists, losing the original meaning of their art.

At Hampi in Karnataka, strict conservation laws prevent residents from repairing or expanding their homes because the area is protected as a heritage site. This creates frustration for families living there. Nearby settlements often stay neglected, with broken roads and poor sanitation.

To make tourism fair, cities must plan with local people, not just for them. Affordable housing, fair wages, and community-led cultural programs can ensure that heritage preservation improves everyone’s life. Heritage tourism should make a city feel alive for its residents—not turn it into a showcase for outsiders..

Q6. (c) What are the causes and solutions for the low female sex ratio in the States of Punjab, Haryana, Himachal, and Gujarat? (10 Marks)

Punjab, Haryana, Himachal Pradesh, and Gujarat have fewer girls compared to boys. This is mainly because many families prefer sons. Sons are expected to carry the family name, inherit property, and look after parents, while daughters are seen as expensive because of dowry and marriage costs. Modern technology has made this bias worse. After the 1980s, ultrasound tests began to be used to find the baby’s sex, leading to sex-selective abortions. The PCPNDT Act tried to stop this, but enforcement has been weak.

Economist Amartya Sen called this the problem of “missing women.” Cultural pride in some communities also links family honour to having sons. Solutions include strict law enforcement, financial support schemes for girls like Beti Bachao Beti Padhao, and public campaigns showing that daughters can study, work, and support parents equally. Kerala’s balanced ratio proves that education and gender respect can change mindsets.

Q7. (a) Despite gains from the women's movement and state policy of women empowerment, gender equality is far from achieved. Identify two major challenges that prevent this goal from being reached. (20 Marks) 

India has taken many steps to empower women—laws against domestic violence, programs like Beti Bachao Beti Padhao, and seats for women in local governments. Yet, true gender equality remains distant because deep social habits and structures still work against women every day.

The first barrier is patriarchy—the belief that men should control family, work, and public life. Sociologist Sylvia Walby explained that patriarchy exists not just at home but in schools, offices, and culture. Even when women study or work, they are often expected to cook, clean, and care for the family afterward. This “double burden” leaves them exhausted and limits their progress. Practices like dowry and son preference keep reminding families that daughters are seen as lesser.

The second barrier is unequal representation. Only about one in four Indian women works in paid jobs, and very few reach decision-making posts. In Parliament, women occupy less than 15 percent of seats. Local body reservations help, but many women leaders face pressure to let male relatives make choices for them. The delay in passing the Women’s Reservation Bill at the national level shows how slowly institutions change.

Behind these numbers are daily stories—girls leaving school to care for siblings, women quitting jobs after marriage, or professionals paid less than men for the same work. Real equality will come when women can earn, lead, and move freely without fear or guilt. It will also come when men share housework and when families see daughters not as a burden but as equal contributors. Empowerment begins when respect becomes routine, not rare.

Q7. (b) To what extent does nation-building depend on strengthening pluralities in Indian society? (20 Marks) 

India is one of the most diverse countries in the world. People speak different languages, follow different religions, and live by different customs—yet share a single national identity. The idea that such diversity is a strength, not a weakness, lies at the heart of India’s nation-building.

After independence, leaders like Jawaharlal Nehru believed that a united India could exist only if all its cultures felt equally valued. This is why the government reorganized states on linguistic lines in 1956. Tamils could speak Tamil in Tamil Nadu, Punjabis could govern in Punjabi, and yet both remained Indian. Political scientist Rajni Kothari said that India’s democracy survived because it gave space for these many voices to express themselves peacefully.

But pluralism must be cared for constantly. When groups feel unheard or disrespected, tension grows. The separatist violence in Punjab during the 1980s and the unrest in some northeastern states remind us what happens when identity and dignity are ignored. The Constitution tried to prevent this by guaranteeing special rights—reservations for Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes, and Other Backward Classes, and cultural protection for minorities.

In today’s world, diversity has become even more complex. Globalization brings new ideas, while social media sometimes deepens divides. Many new groups—women, regional communities, and ethnic minorities—are asking for equal recognition. True nation-building, therefore, means creating a country where everyone feels seen and included. When all citizens—whether from Kashmir or Kanyakumari, from Dalit families or tribal villages—feel they belong, the idea of India becomes stronger. Unity grows not by forcing sameness but by celebrating difference.

Q7. (c) Explain the issues relating to ethnicity and sub-ethnicity. (10 Marks)

Ethnicity means belonging to a group that shares the same language, customs, history, or ancestors. People with the same ethnic identity often feel connected by birth and tradition. Within a large ethnic group, smaller communities may stress their own special customs or dialects—this is called sub-ethnicity. These identities become political when people feel ignored or unfairly treated.

For example, the Naga and Bodo movements in the Northeast and the Gorkha movement in Darjeeling show how ethnic pride can lead to demands for self-rule and recognition. Within the Assamese identity, smaller groups like the Ahoms also highlight their distinct culture, which sometimes divides broader unity. 

Political thinker Paul Brass explained that such ethnic identities are often strengthened by leaders who use them to gain power or resources. Ethnic and sub-ethnic pride helps preserve culture but can also cause tension. The best solution is fair development, respect for diversity, and policies that include everyone.

Q8. (a) What is cultural revivalism? Give some examples from performing arts, language dissemination and arts and crafts in recent times. (20 Marks) 

Cultural revivalism means trying to bring back old traditions, arts, and languages that were slowly disappearing under the pressures of modern life. It often grows from a desire to protect identity and reconnect people with their roots.

In India, this revival can be clearly seen in the performing arts. Classical dance forms like Sattriya from Assam and Koodiyattam from Kerala, once performed only in temples, are now taught in art schools and showcased in festivals worldwide. Folk theatre, too, has found new audiences. The lively plays of Nautanki in Uttar Pradesh or Tamasha in Maharashtra are being revived through workshops and state-sponsored cultural programs, keeping local dialects and stories alive.

Languages are also returning to the spotlight. Sanskrit is taught through online courses, while tribal languages like Bodo and Santali are being introduced in schools. On YouTube and Instagram, younger people now create Bhojpuri or Maithili music and short films, making these languages part of everyday modern culture again.

Traditional crafts have also gained new recognition. Banarasi sarees, Pochampally ikat, and Kutch embroidery now carry Geographical Indication (GI) tags, which protect artisans and link their names to their region. NGOs like Dastkar and online platforms like Okhai help women from rural areas sell handmade products directly to global buyers.

However, some critics warn that revival should not be selective. It should not glorify only elite traditions while ignoring the voices of marginalized communities. True revivalism should make heritage relevant to today’s life—alive, inclusive, and shared. When people rediscover their culture without fear or hierarchy, revival becomes not nostalgia but renewal.

Q8. (b) What, according to you, are the two fundamental axes of social discrimination in Indian society? Are they changing? (20 Marks) 

In India, social inequality has long revolved around two powerful axes—caste and gender. These two forces shape who gets opportunity, respect, and resources, often deciding the course of a person’s life from birth.

Caste divides people by birth into hierarchies of purity and pollution, as explained by sociologist Louis Dumont. For centuries, it determined jobs, marriage choices, and where people could live. Even though the Constitution banned untouchability, discrimination still appears in many forms. In villages, Dalits are sometimes denied entry to temples or forced to live outside the main settlement. In cities, bias continues when landlords refuse to rent homes to people from lower castes or when employers quietly prefer upper-caste candidates. Cases of violence against Dalits for marrying outside their caste—often enforced by Khap Panchayats—show that the old order still resists change.

Gender is the second major line of inequality. Sociologist Sylvia Walby described patriarchy as a system that gives men power in both private and public life. Women are still paid less for the same work, bear most household duties, and face violence and limited mobility. Even though laws ensure equal inheritance and protection from harassment, social pressure keeps many women from using these rights.

Change, however, is slowly taking shape. Urbanization, education, and technology have weakened old boundaries. Inter-caste marriages are increasing in cities, and more women are working, studying, and leading. Yet, prejudice survives in subtle forms—through language, humour, or family expectations. Real equality will come only when respect becomes part of everyday behaviour, not just the law.

Q8. (c) Why have we started using another category of tribes called the Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Groups (PVTGs)? Why are they so called? (10 Marks)

Some tribal groups in India are far more disadvantaged than others. To help them, the government created a category called Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Groups (PVTGs) in 1975. These are tribes that still depend on simple tools and hunting, have very low literacy, small or falling populations, and little contact with the outside world. There are 75 such groups, including the Jarawas of the Andaman Islands and the Cholanaickans of Kerala.

They are called “particularly vulnerable” because they often live in remote forests and are left out of normal welfare schemes. When forests are cut or when they are moved from their land, their entire way of life suffers. Many also face diseases for which they have little medical support. 

The Ministry of Tribal Affairs runs programs for safe housing, food, and healthcare. Anthropologist Verrier Elwin advised that development for such groups must protect their culture while meeting their basic needs.